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The Reading

You should now proceed to read Machiavelli’s The Prince. Feel free to use the Internet version provided or any copy of the text that you wish. For the purposes of this course, I’d advise you not to read any introductions or secondary sources until after you have wrestled with the text on its own, and your, terms. Thereafter, I’d like you to answer the questions I’ve provided in order to see whether you’ve understood the main concepts and struggled with the complexities, subtleties and ambiguities. My sample answers are merely suggestions, and are provided separately in order to encourage you to come up with your own answers and to frame them in your own way. The major purpose of this course is to help you read intellectual texts in context rather than to tell you what to think.

Suggestions for Further Reading (these will always be ordered in terms of reading difficulty)

• Myron P. Gilmore, The World of Humanism, 1453-1517
• Denys Hay, The Italian Renaissance
• Political Ideas, ed. David Thomson
• C.B. Macpherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke
• J.G.A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition

Questions to Consider

1. What is the purpose of Machiavelli’s distinction between new and old principalities? Which ones are the foci of his book?

2. Why were the Italian states so fragile?

3. In what ways can rebellion benefit a ruler?

4. Why must a new ruler avoid acting like a tyrant? What does this tell you about the oft-cited claim that Machiavelli is an advocate of absolutism?

5. Why is military occupation usually misguided?

6. How does Machiavelli compare a good ruler with a good doctor?

7. What criticisms does Machiavelli make of power politics during his time? You might want to refer in particular to Machiavelli’s critique of the French king’s Italian strategy.

8. What are the advantages and disadvantages of feudal states according to Machiavelli? Why was it easier to conquer oriental or Asian states?

9. How should one treat a conquered City State like Florence or Venice, according to Machiavelli?

10. How should a prince deal with fortuna in controlling a new principality? What does this tell you about Machiavelli’s approach to fortune?

11. What is the experience of most new principalities?

12. In a new principality, where fortune reigns, what must the prince do in order to be successful? Note that Machiavelli is talking about a new and fragile principality here – a fragile and potentially anarchical society – where none of the old rules apply.

13. When is the cruelty of the prince used wisely?

14. What explicit argument does Machiavelli make for constitutionalism and against absolutism? What does this tell you about the way that many people, including some famous scholars, read The Prince?

15. What is the best measuring stick of the power of the ruler?

16. Why should a ruler/republic avoid using mercenaries to fight for him/it? What’s the best kind of society in terms of defense?

17. Why is it so important for a ruler to know the art of war? Can you find an interesting sub-text in Machiavelli’s argument about the military training of the ruler here?

18. How does Machiavelli criticize medieval values in his description of the characteristics of the ideal type of ruler? Note that this is a difficult question and that my answer is a long one. Try to think of the many different facets of medieval culture, economics and social structure that Machiavelli explicitly or implicitly criticizes.

19. What does Machiavelli’s analysis of the princely administration say about his own private agenda?

20. What is Machiavelli’s greatest fear? What is The Prince trying to avoid?

21. What is Machiavelli’s final word on fortuna?

22. How does Machiavelli describe change and our relation to change?

Sample Answers

1. The new principalities are the ones most difficult to rule because they lack legitimacy and are not supported by custom and tradition. The foci of The Prince are the new and fragile principalities, particularly the Italian City States.

2. They were constantly subject to military invasion. Conquerors could never fulfill all of the hopes and wishes of their supporters, or even the expectations of the people.

3. It gives him an excuse to wipe out his enemies. A conqueror needs to maximize the goodwill of the majority of the inhabitants if he wishes to rule successfully, this means that your enemies usually survive and wait for another opportunity to strike.

4. His success depends on people feeling that their language, customs and traditions continue as before. If a prince conquers a territory with different language and customs, he needs to go and live there himself and show his new people that he cares for them. The key is to be loved or at least to avoid being disliked or thought of as foreign.

5. Not only is it expensive, but also it is counterproductive. It always gives rise to grievances among the conquered. If you have a choice, you should always attempt to avoid turning the conquered into your enemies. Machiavelli cites the settlement (colonization) policies of the Romans as the right way to assimilate a conquered territory – to treat them better than they had been treated before and to allow them to become equal citizens.

6. A good doctor is one who practices prudence by diagnosing a problem before it becomes a matter of life and death. The prudent ruler similarly needs to be a trained professional in political problem solving.

7. Machiavelli suggests that the political landscape of his time is littered by failures. Instead of making friends and allies out of conquered territories, rulers let their dynastic ambitions run away with them. The Prince has to have a plan for holding territory before attempting to gain more honour on the battlefield. Moreover, Princes tended to confuse secular and religious power allowing the Pope far too much influence in the management of the Italian states. Finally, rulers trusted far too much to marriage alliances and treaties to extend their territory. Pragmatism and the loyalty and affection of one’s subjects — rather than false notions of honour, dynastic ambition or misguided spirituality– were the keys to holding territory.

8. The advantage is that they are guided by tradition and by a complex system of loyalties to the nobles. They may be conquered but they are virtually impossible to hold. The disadvantage is that the loyalties are directed to powerful nobles who can always challenge the ruler’s power. Conquering a centrally controlled Asian state is easier because one only has to crush the ruling family or clique and one has full control of the government, unless one blows it.

9. The best way is to allow the leading citizens to continue to control it for you, and to allow the City to continue with its freedoms. Clearly, Machiavelli wanted a powerful prince to hold Florence under his protection, without changing the character of the society or eliminating its republican freedoms.

10. Machiavelli states that “the less a man has relied upon fortune the stronger his position.” Obviously, if you can you want to avoid getting caught in a position where you are subject to the ravages of fortune. Fortune is not something to be embraced but avoided by prudence. When fortuna reigns, however, the prince must act strategically and forcefully.

11. These polities have no roots; they are examples of forced growth; they typically are “destroyed by the first bad spell.”

12. Using the example of Alexander VI, Machiavelli recommends: 1) creating disorder that he can control on his own terms; 2) crushing opposition in any ways possible to the extent of eliminating entire families; 3) practicing deceit to trap one’s opponents; 4) setting public and highly symbolic examples of the power that one may lack in reality; 5) creating scapegoats for your own cruelty, so that you can appear generous and forgiving when it is possible to do so; 6) anticipate everything and use your courage and ambition to turn fortuna into good fortune; 7) don’t be surprised if your plans are frustrated as Alexander VI’s were by his own death coming so closely upon that of his father.

13. Cruelty, Machiavelli agrees, is “evil”. But it is used wisely when the safety of the state is at risk, when it is used for the good of one’s subjects (i.e. to avoid other more serious evils), and “when it is employed once for all.” In other words, Machiavelli is not suggesting that cruelty is usually a good thing, only that it is sometimes necessary to do bad things in order to achieve beneficial ends. Without the willingness to use cruelty on occasion, many new states would not survive and would be continually subject to fortuna.

14. Machiavelli says that constitutional states are always the way to go because they create a bond between the prince and the citizenry that is based on legitimate rule. Absolutism is a bad solution because it is based on keeping the powerful nobles in line, which almost never works. The fact that so many writers suggest that Machiavelli advocates tyranny or absolute rule shows how badly they have read The Prince.

15. He has sufficient support from his subjects that he does not require the protection of others. A good example of this kind of support was achieved by Elizabeth I of England, who practiced many of the policies and adhered to the spirit of Machiavelli’s advice to rulers.

16. Mercenaries and auxiliaries lack loyalty. Sometimes they are professional; often they are just in it for the money. If they are professional, they are more dangerous because not only can’t you trust them, but also they may very well turn on you. The ideal type of society is a republic with an armed citizenry.

17. That is the role of the ruler in they eyes of most people who are used to warrior leaders. The people despise rulers who put pleasure before proficiency in arms. Machiavelli suggests that rulers know their military history so that they will have examples to guide them in adversity. Note that Machiavelli is limiting the intellectual training of the ruler here in ways that we might not anticipate. Given everything that he says, wouldn’t it be more important for the ruler to learn the art of politics. Machiavelli may be suggesting that not all rulers have this kind of wisdom, especially those who rise to power through lineage rather than intellect. He may be giving a role to counselors like himself who can chart the ruler’s strategy for them and give them timely advice. In other words, The Prince, may in part be Machiavelli’s resume for a job with the Medici as what we would today call a policy analyst. It’s worth thinking about the sub-texts and hidden agendas when you read a text.

18. Medieval culture emphasized the role of nobles and rulers in redistributing wealth in a subsistence economy – in other words, they were supposed to be generous. Machiavelli points out that, while having a reputation for generosity is sensible, actually practicing it could ruin the state. Two of the most important rulers of the era were Henry VII of England and his granddaughter Elizabeth I. Both were frugal because they needed to use money wisely in a relatively poor polity.

    Medieval culture praised compassion in the form of charity. Machiavelli argues that a reputation for compassion is a recipe for disaster in the society of his time. It meant that your enemies weren’t so afraid to rebel because they didn’t fear retribution. It was better for princes, but especially new princes, to be feared rather than admired for their compassion. A prince should, however, avoid being so cruel that he was hated rather than feared.

    Medieval society was glued together by loyalty and trust. Trust means keeping one’s word or oath. Such a practice could be an unmitigated disaster when practicing international diplomacy, says Machiavelli. When “fortune and circumstance dictate”, says Machiavelli, it is crucial to be deceitful.

    Medieval aristocrats lived in a warrior society that continually tended towards violence. They protected themselves with castles. When the nobles surrounding the cities of Florence and Venice moved into these cities to partake of urbane civilization, they typically built turrets around their homes and turned them into castle like fortresses. Machiavelli rightly pointed out that fortresses only protect people from sudden attack; they are not safe refuges in the case of serious opposition. A better policy is to avoid making enemies – to avoid making people hate you – rather than building defenses.

    The medieval social structure was the antithesis of a free citizenry; ultimately it relied on serfs or peasants who were not free and who lived at the margins of subsistence. Machiavelli suggests that the best policy of all for the ruler or prince is to allow citizens sufficient freedom to achieve prosperity and to protect their property. The prince should beware of overtaxing these citizens, lest they become discouraged from investing their resources into business.

19. Machiavelli writes a very good job description for himself – a person who can provide good strategic advice to the ruler. Machiavelli suggests that the problem with most princely counselors is that they are flatters who feed the ego of the prince rather than provide good advice. Machiavelli is obviously angry that he has been passed over in favour of advisors that he believes to by sycophants.

20. Barbarians dominating the vulnerable Italian States. He wants to stop Italy from being the war ground of petty and particularly German princes. He wants a powerful and cultured Italian family to unite cities like Florence, Naples and Venice, people who will not loot these City States for military funding but who will patronize and encourage trade and the arts of civilization. He wants the new leadership to create a more unified Italy with its own militia or standing army, that can stand up to the likes of the Spanish army or Swiss mercenaries. Most of all, he wants to preserve his beloved Florence from a destruction that seemed inevitable.

21. Fortune decides half of what we do; the remainder is under the control of human free will. By practicing prudence, taking precautions, and being proactive rather than reactive, we can control or modify that half of providence that remains within our power. The important thing is to rise above our fear and habits to develop the right methods to achieve our goals. The methods we use need to change with or be suited to “the nature of the times”. No one policy or strategy works at all times and places. Sometimes prudence and circumspection is necessary; sometimes impetuosity is the only way to get what one needs. Human beings need to adapt to changed circumstances.

22. He says that change and fortuna are inevitable, and in some unfortunate times in human history, change and variation run rampant. Human beings are governed by habit, constancy and stereotype. The difference between a great leader and a weak one is that the great leader and the wise person understands when things are changing and adapts his policies accordingly.